James Green-Armytage

Recommendations 

          This is a brief index of my most-recommended methods for a few basic voting situations.

 

Single-winner elections (large electorates)

Multiple-winner elections (large electorates)

Voting in smaller groups

Direct democracy

 

Single-winner elections (large electorates)

          This is when you have a large electorate (for example, several thousand or million people), and you are voting between a series of mutually exclusive options. For example, an election for president, governor, mayor, or another executive office.

          I argue that Pairwise comparison is the best way to find a majority winner, and that the best definition of majority rule is minimal dominant set efficiency (a.k.a. Smith efficiency). That is, a method that aims for majority rule should always choose a member of the minimal dominant set (a.k.a. the Smith set). The minimal dominant set is the smallest set of candidates such that every candidate within the set has a pairwise victory over every candidate outside the set. If the minimal dominant set only has one member, this candidate is called the Condorcet winner.

          My primary recommendation for single-winner elections is to use the cardinal pairwise method. This method uses ordinal (ranking) information to determine the direction of pairwise defeats, and cardinal (rating) information to determine their strength. I think that it is preferable to Condorcet methods which only use ranking information because it takes into account strength of preference in addition to direction of preference, and because it seems to be more resistant to certain kinds of strategic manipulation.

          If cardinal pairwise is not a possibility, there are several other possible strategy-resistant pairwise methods. If none of these are possible either, then I stress that one should at least measure defeat strength in terms of winning votes rather than margins, because margins probably cannot provide strategic stability.

          I argue that the best "base methods" (which can each be used in conjunction with various defeat strength definitions (winning votes, margins, cardinal pairwise, etc.)) are  beatpath, ranked pairs, and the river method. 

          If the electorate is unable to accept pairwise count methods, but is amenable to instant runoff voting methods, then CWO-IRV might make for an interesting compromise, as it tends toward minimal dominant set efficiency while having a relatively moderate level of strategic vulnerability. IRV methods in general should allow equal ranking of candidates.

          If ranked ballots are absolutely not a possibility, then approval voting is still clearly preferable to plurality, although it is difficult to evaluate in comparison with ranked ballot methods, and should probably be thought of as a transitional method rather than a goal in itself.

 

Multiple-winner elections (large electorates)

          Again we are dealing with a large electorate, but now not all of the options being voted on are mutually exclusive. The main example of this is when you are electing more than one seat in a council or legislative body. In most cases I think that it is desirable to use proportional representation to fill seats in legislative bodies. In cases where you are not aiming for proportional representation, you can usually make small modifications to single-winner voting methods in order to make similar multiple-winner methods. However, to achieve proportional representation, you need fundamentally different methods.

          I argue that the basic principle of effective proportional representation methods is the single transferable vote (STV). In particular, I recommend CPO-STV, which stands for "comparison of pairs of outcomes by single transferable vote." This is an effective hybridization of the STV and Condorcet principles, where complete outcomes are compared to one another using modified STV tallies. It is also possible to apply the principle of cardinal-weighted pairwise to CPO-STV.

          If the computational resources for CPO-STV aren't available, then most other versions of STV should still work very well. It should be kept in mind, though, that the level of proportionality depends on the district magnitude of the system, that is the number of seats which each district elects. District magnitudes of 3 or 4 amount to rather weak proportionality. I consider district magnitudes around 7 or 9 to be convincingly proportional, although higher magnitudes are often desirable if feasible, while in some circumstances it might be necessary to settle for lower magnitudes.

 

Voting in smaller groups

          In this case, your electorate is smaller, hopefully small enough to fit in a single room. For example, the voting that goes on within a legislature or council.

          Because the group is smaller, it should be relatively inexpensive to hold more than one balloting. Hence I recommend the use of an iterative pairwise voting procedure. In a nutshell, the procedure for single-winner voting is

1. to hold provisional ranked votes, and tally them by a good Smith-efficient method.

2. The winner of these provisional tallies, then, should be subject to a simple yes/no vote, such that if a majority votes no, another balloting is taken, and so on until a provisional winner is subsequently confirmed by a majority "yes" vote.

          This procedure should have substantial benefits in terms of providing a strong line of defense against strategic manipulation, and providing authentic majority rule.

           A similar procedure can be used to achieve proportional representation (by replacing the Smith-efficient tally with a CPO-STV tally or an STV tally).

          If the group is not contentious, and majority rule is not the goal, then methods like ratings summation and approval voting might be appropriate.  

 

Direct democracy

          I have written in detail about delegable proxy systems of direct democracy. Voters would be able to vote directly on issues, but they would also be able to designate proxies, such that if they do not have the time to vote on a given issue, the weight of the vote will be carried by the proxy of their choice.

          I believe that even a non-binding delegable proxy system would be a very real step forward for democracy, and one that can be taken at any moment. While a change to the official election system requires an enormous legal struggle, a non-binding proxy system can be implemented without changing a single state or federal constitution. This will allow people to express their views on public issues directly and actively, rather than just by favoring one representative over another, or through the dubious conduits of focus groups and polls. 

 

 

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